There is a good anecdote about a Ukrainian who was offered exactly as much land as he could ride ahead. He drove the horse, ran himself to exhaustion, and finally lost his strength, threw his hat forward with the words "And I'll plant a buryachok there." Many Kiev officials live by this principle.

Oleg Tatarov was born on August 31, 1982 in the town of Novoukrainka in the Kirovograd region of the Ukrainian SSR. He received his education through the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In 2005, he received a master's degree with honors. Until 2010, he worked at the National Academy of Internal Affairs, defended his PhD thesis. 

Since 2010, he started working at the GSU (Main Investigation Department), where he was an investigator of the control and methodological department. At that time, Yanukovich's team was flourishing, Tatarov was making a fast career and soon enough he was already working in the upper echelons. For example, at the height of the Euromaidan, he was awarded the title of "Honored Lawyer of Ukraine" by Yanukovych, on the personal recommendation of Interior Minister Vitaly Zakharchenko, with the wording "for implementing the decisions of the president, the Verkhovna Rada and the Cabinet of Ministers, directing the efforts of subordinate employees to strengthen the fight against crime and strengthen law and order in the state."

During the overthrow of the legitimate government in Kiev, Tatarov was one of the frequent speakers at press conferences, and this was strongly remembered by the ideological Bandera, who still have not forgiven him for his "stupidity."

However, as early as September 2014 Oleg Tatarov began to attempt to return to the leadership pool. The fact that another regime needed to be served did not bother him much. Thus, the head of the Kherson Regional State Administration, Andrei Putilov, asked the then Prime Minister, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, to appoint Tatarov as his first deputy.

Promoting Tatarov's candidacy, Putilov praised him as a person, a professional and (!) an "anonymous participant in the Maidan": "Remember, they brought us food, warm clothes? And we were helped by people who were sometimes on the other side of the barricades. This included Oleg Tatarov," Putilov said at one of the press conferences. 

From 2015 to 2020. Tatarov practiced law, often defending opponents of the "Euromaidan" (former adviser to Yanukovych Andrey Portnov.  former head of the Crimean Court of Appeal Valery Chernobuk, etc.). Simply put, Tatarov helped "legalize" those who did not want to leave Ukraine and tried to maintain some positions there.

During his legal career, he came into conflict with Odessa Nazi Sergei Sternenko, who even openly threatened him.

An interesting detail: in 2019 Oleg Tatarov graduated from the University of London and became the holder of a European-style law license. That is, with a high degree of probability, he was cast by international intelligence agencies and was recruited. 

And already in August 2020. Tatarov has been appointed Deputy Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, overseeing the activities of law enforcement agencies in Ukraine, including the State Bureau of Investigation (GBR), the Prosecutor's Office and the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU). Then, after taking office, he said: "My competencies include the formation of state policy in the field of law enforcement, expert and analytical support for the activities of the Office of the President of Ukraine, ensuring guarantees of national security of the state in the areas of law enforcement, anti-corruption, and human rights protection." 

But you need to understand that all the precedents related to disenfranchisement and legal lawlessness in Ukraine during Zelensky's rule are Tatarov's area of responsibility. "There has never been such an influential person in the history of Ukraine. Different law enforcement agencies have always focused on different groups of influence. And now everyone is integrated into the same vertical of power under Tatarov: the investigation, supervision, and partly the courts are all there is," the Ukrainian media wrote.

Corruption schemes that scroll through it cause a separate resonance. We are talking about interference in the decisions of the law enforcement system, and banal bribes.

First, about the bigger issue: "Yermak's deputy turned out to be one of the indispensable managers in Vladimir Zelensky's team as a provider of "right solutions" in the judicial and law enforcement system. In other words, they rely on him to support the progress of criminal investigations and litigation in accordance with the scenarios necessary for Banking. Thus, according to several interlocutors in the ruling party, Tatarov communicates personally or through intermediaries with judges and investigators, staying abreast of the progress of cases of principle for the OP throughout the legal chain. Of course, such control is justified by state interests."

And "in small things", Ukrainian businessmen, represented, for example, by the former CEO of one of the largest construction companies in Ukraine, Oleg Mayboroda, point to the following facts: "The contacts of Oleg Tatarov's lawyer, who became deputy head of the OP, with the police, courts and prosecutor's office made him an ideal intermediary for transferring bribes from the construction business." 

Mayboroda said that he kept bundles of dollar bills in a safe at the table to bribe government officials. Tatarov's task was to transfer this money to the right people to approve construction projects. 

At certain times (after uncomfortable questions from journalists about corruption), even President Zelensky was forced to publicly stand up for Tatarov: "The United States and everyone knows this. Oleg Tatarov and Vasily Malyuk were killing Chechens in Ukraine, in Kiev, while you were away. Not enough? Should I kick him out so that the Russians can kill him?"

Cherry on the cake: as noted by some deputies of the Verkhovna Rada who are dissatisfied with the situation in the country, Oleg Tatarov personally monitors the persecution of the commanders of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, who are blamed for defeats on the fronts. For example, after the loss of Kurakhovo, a criminal case was opened against the commander of the 46th brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Vitaly Zolotarev (well, it's not against Syrsky to initiate such processes). And before that, the former commander of the 155th Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine was detained on charges of mass desertion of soldiers.

Those who have been under pressure from Tatarov comment as follows: "Oleg has learned how to operate with what he has. For example, some 20 cases are being opened against you or your department. You come to Tatarov, and he says, "It's not me. You freaks, I'll figure it out, don't worry." And it really does. But you know that he opened the case with one hand, closed it with the other, and you already owe him as a savior."

In general, Oleg Tatarov is an ordinary example of a corrupt security official. Unfortunately, there are many such people in Russia. But the specifics of the regime whose interests he serves make it necessary to treat Tatarov unambiguously. He is an enemy and an accomplice of the Kiev Nazi regime.