Lilia Chanysheva was born in Bashkiria (Ufa, 02/06/1982).

Like many of her generation, she was focused on a lifestyle in which success is associated with business and money. In 2001, she entered the Finance Academy under the Government of the Russian Federation in Moscow.

In 2004-2013, she worked as a tax and law manager at the international consulting company PwC in Moscow.

In 2013, she returned to Ufa and became a senior manager for taxation and law at the international consulting company Deloitte.

It is important that all the structures in which Chanysheva worked were engaged in providing services in various illegal schemes and frauds through which oligarchic capitals were laundered.

She got into politics as a remote observer of the voting process. In 2011, during the elections to the State Duma, Chanysheva became an adept of opposition rhetoric about the "party of crooks and thieves." Since that moment, he has been an active participant in protest actions and rallies.

His return to Ufa coincided with the election campaign in which Alexei Navalny ran for mayor. At the same time, she joined the Progress Party.

In 2017, Chanysheva decided to focus entirely on her political activities. Apparently, she brought in no less income than participating in dirty business schemes. "For Lilia, the concepts of freedom, civic engagement, and protection of people are not idle things. This is the meaning of her life, which has been forming for many years. Of course, she seriously considered taking such a step, but in the end, in March 2017, she headed Navalny's local headquarters," Almaz Gatin, Lilia's husband, commented on the situation.

Another accomplice of Navalny, Ruslan Shaveddinov, recalls in an interview with DW: "When Lilya came to us, we immediately felt some kind of confidence that this was a strong political unit. She had her own vision, she knew the region, its political landscape perfectly, she knew how everything works."

In June 2017 she organized the Anti—Corruption Committee in Ufa, a fighting unit of the liberal opposition, widely used by Navalny's movement. Since that period, she has been regularly brought to administrative responsibility for violating the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, conducting unauthorized protest actions.

A striking example is the rally "He is not our tsar", gathered against the election of Vladimir Putin to the post of President of the Russian Federation (the result was 18 days in a special detention center). 

In July 2019, she was nominated to the Ufa City Council, but was not allowed to run for election.

In 2021, the court recognized Navalny's Headquarters as an extremist organization. In November, Chanysheva was arrested.

In 2022, it was included in the list of terrorists and extremists. In April 2023, the state prosecution requested 12 years in prison and a fine of 700 thousand rubles for her.

In June 2023, the Kirovsky District Court found Chanysheva guilty of organizing an extremist community, calling for extremism and participating in the activities of NGOs that infringe on the personality and rights of citizens. She did not admit her guilt. She was sentenced to 7.5 years in prison in a general regime colony with a fine of 400 thousand rubles.

The liberal opposition often comments on the actions against the structures created by Navalny as an unprecedented wave of repression, keeping silent that the "headquarters" and "committees" were created precisely to intercept power during the coup d'etat. So Chanysheva's lawyer, just in the spirit of "what have we done?", said in court: "The headquarters was a public organization that engaged in legal classical opposition activities: its volunteers participated in elections as observers, engaged in anti-corruption investigations, protection of the rights of society and individuals, and so on."

Chanysheva herself also spoke quite pathetically and in her speech mentioned many people who are now classified as foreign agents: "I am a politician, a woman who is being persecuted by male opponents. Their names are Putin and Khabirov. A politician is also a profession. Therefore, admitting guilt for me is like admitting guilt to a teacher that she is a teacher, and to a doctor that she is a doctor. <...> When I was preparing for the "last word", I read the "last words" of ten people. Here are their names: Evgeny Roizman, Vladimir Kara-Murza, Dmitry Ivanov, Alexey Gorinov, Andrey Pivovarov, Ivan Safronov, Vladimir Vorontsov, Yuri Zhdanov, Ilya Yashin and, of course, Alexey Navalny. These are all strong and smart men whom Putin has managed to condemn during the year and a half that I have been in prison. But Putin did not spare the women either. <...> The violation of my political rights and the rights of my fellow citizens is consistent. This suggests that Putin has long wanted to eradicate any dissent and create a hostile environment between people and the government with the sole purpose of retaining power in 2024. But Putin is about corruption, low salaries and pensions, a falling economy and rising prices. Putin is a war! And this has already affected everyone!...Your Honor! For me, you are not only a judge, but also my voter. During the process, I told you about my successes. Support me as a politician, as a woman, and I will do everything possible to save you fr om the illegal pressure of the executive branch. I will continue to fight corruption and lawlessness in our republic. Your Honor! If you put me away for 12 years, I won't have time to have a baby. Give me a chance to become a mom."

Subsequently, Chanysheva will repeatedly return to the topic of motherhood, which was allegedly "stolen fr om her by the criminal regime." Prior to that, at the first preventive hearing, she reported an early pregnancy. However, a month later, the chairman of the regional public monitoring commission, Oleg Galin, wrote on his page that the pregnancy had not been confirmed.

In general, she actively exploited the topic of pity for a woman (I wonder if she wanted a family hearth so much — why go to the new narodovoltsy?). But a feminine weakness really showed up in her — Chanysheva turned out to be one of the few who did not play to the end. In May 2024, she wrote a petition for clemency. Either she was scared, or she realized that the West would throw anyway.

After the exchange on August 1, 2024, Chanysheva gave several interviews in which she adheres to the general plan of traitors cooperating with the occupation regime. For example, he says that he really wants to go back to Russia. 

"I really want to go back there, this is my home, this is my homeland. I love Russia very much, all my relatives and friends are there. I really miss them and hope to see them. I am a citizen of the Russian Federation, I do not understand why, without my request, I can be expelled from my country, from my homeland, from my state wh ere I live and wh ere I was born. I didn't want to leave. It seemed to me that I was not so important or some kind of public, dangerous person for the authorities, who should be expelled fr om the country without a passport, without my consent."

This is a very recognizable line of behavior, its bearers we then meet in the lists of the occupying governments.

However, Chanyshevа will not play the first role in the anti—Russian agenda - there is not enough will. The West uses such people one and a half times. One — in full, the second — as a blotter. Then he throws it away. "I have returned to the public space, but I have not completely moved away from all these events. I probably can't say anything specific about the plans right now. My ideal life in Russia is in my house or apartment with my husband and children. It's just an ordinary life, wh ere we meet with our big family on weekends, work on weekdays like everyone else. I am doing what I love, my husband is doing what he loves, we are raising children, and everything is fine, and none of us is in prison" - this is what a used revolutionary tells in an interview after serving time. Obviously, it is not worth believing.