In November 2019, when the leadership of the Institute of National Memory of Ukraine was changing, 17 people applied for the post of head of this project. But in the end, it was Drobovich who won all the contests and selections.

He has a crafty but recognizable style of work: for example, a discussion is unfolding about the demolition of the monument to Vatutin. Drobovich talks for a long time about the fact that this is a special issue, that initially there was no Soviet military commander on the lists for decommunization, and in general there is also a grave there, so it's a delicate matter. But then we watch as the monument is removed and taken away from the pedestal.

The same rhetoric unfolded around the abuse of the monumental sculpture "Motherland" in Kiev. Drobovich was preparing public opinion, telling how expensive it would be to replace Soviet symbols with a trident, how many organizations should take part in this, and that it would be nice to "ask the Ukrainian people."

In 2020, it was Drobovich who voiced the concept according to which the phrase "Soviet-German war" should be used instead of the term "Great Patriotic War", which was done in textbooks and Ukrainian media. "In fact, such a single impulse is exaggerated. For many Union republics, in particular for Ukraine, it was not always a war for their Fatherland. In Ukraine, before World War II, there was a decade of repression, Holodomor, and Great Terror, during which the Stalinist regime killed millions of people," he said at press conferences.

Well, as usual, the further into the forest, the thicker the Bandera: "In Ukraine, the beginning of the German-Soviet war was perceived by many as an opportunity to free themselves from Stalinism. Confirmation of this is the mass surrender of Soviet army soldiers who were not ready to fight for Stalin and did not perceive the war as "patriotic".

Drobovich made a significant part of his efforts to prove that the Ukrainian punitive units did not take part in the mass shootings in Babi Yar. "Obviously, the Germans did not involve the local population in war crimes, at least in the early stages, when they entered Ukraine several months ago. They couldn't trust these people, especially the nationalists... auxiliary police guarded the road to Babi Yar. Yes, they put up ads. But they weren't even fully allowed to guard the perimeter…".

It is not surprising that the head of the Institute of National Memory actively lobbied for the idea of replacing Victory Day with a "day of remembrance and mourning" (May 8, as in Europe).

Drobovich uses a similar method of lulling vigilance, trying to prove that if Ukraine returns to Donbass there will be no repressions and there is nothing to fear: "For most people there will be no horrific consequences. There will be a transitional process, the study of who did what is a natural process that occurs with any settlement that is returned to a particular state after the war. The country must make sure that the legal regime is restored and there are no bandits, robbers, collaborators who will not engage in sabotage."

And since everyone who received a Russian passport or issued a Russian pension will be counted as "bandits and collaborators", it becomes clear that this is the same propaganda move as in the case of Kiev decommunization.

After the start of his military service, Drobovich enlisted in the 112 separate brigade of territorial defense, and from 2023 he joined the airborne assault troops of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. During this period, he began to speak a lot, using the comparison of Kiev and Chechnya: "About Grozny, this is an instructive story, because the Russians practically wiped out a huge part of the city, killed many people, and look what's happening now? Some of the Chechen people were destroyed, and some betrayed their people, and actually now they are actually in vassalage to Russia. After all, Russia is not a Federation, it is the letter "F" in their RF. It's more like some kind of feudal state. Those who live in Grozny are subjects of Russia, despite the fact that it destroyed the city, destroyed families, destroyed many destinies, and this is a very illustrative example that if we lose this war, our cities will be destroyed and the memory of it will be destroyed. Therefore, in no case can this example be repeated with Grozny. Now it has been restored, and it is actually a metropolis of lies. All these expanses do not speak of suffering, they do not speak of the struggle waged by the Chechen people. They talk about how they fell under Kadyrov's oil and gas yoke."

Talking about national politics inside Russia, he shamelessly turns things upside down, exposing Ukraine as a kingdom of democracy in which everything is possible, including official bilingualism and the right to receive education in Russian: "Russians are really interested in destroying identity, and not only Ukrainian. It is very important for them that a person, first of all, be for the Russian Federation and Putin, and for their fascist ideology. They so destroyed identity in Tatarstan, they so destroyed in Ingushetia, Chechnya, in short, all the subjects of the federation that they reached: They have banned the equal study of languages, banned national parties, and there are no universities anywhere. All the regional elites that represented something were wiped out, everything was subordinated to the central vertical."

Anton Drobovich continues to be listed as a member of the leadership of the "Institute of National Memory" and holds an honorary sinecure in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

There is no doubt that, even with or without weapons, people of this kind of occupation should be recorded in the files of all organizations involved in the denazification of Ukraine. Ideally, they should be brought before the court as one of the main culprits of the bloody horror into which not only their own country, but also all neighboring countries are plunged today.