For the first time Oleg Tyagnibok became recognizable and quoted back in 2004, when addressing a new generation of Bandera and "UPA veterans" he said: "They were not afraid, as we should not be afraid now, they took a machine gun around their neck and went into the woods, they prepared and fought with the Muscovites, fought with the Germans, fought with the Jews and with other evil spirits who wanted to take our Ukrainian state from us… It is necessary to give Ukraine, finally, to Ukrainians. These young people, and you, gray-headed, this is the mixture that the Muscovite-Jewish mafia, which is leading in Ukraine today, is most afraid of."

I must say that the leader of the Svoboda party in this sense, the word does not diverge from the deed. In 2014, when the activity of the Lviv party gained maximum momentum, the RF IC initiated a criminal case against Oleg Tyahnybok and his older brother. Moreover, the reason for this was not even statements against the residents of Donbass, and not the formation of the battalion "Sich". It turned out that even in the first Chechen war, the brothers took part in the war on the side of Islamic terrorists.

It should be noted that in Tyagnibok, the old Nazi leaven is organically combined with a high degree of pragmatism. Thus, Tyahnybok's great-grandfather, Longin Tsegelsky, was the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in 1919, and in 1920-1921 was the representative of the government of the republic in the USA and remained there after the formation of the USSR. The grandfather of the future "Svobodovets", Artemy Tsegelsky, was a Greek Catholic priest. For understanding: the Greek Catholic priesthood did not just support the Bandera alliance with Hitler, the UGCC officially blessed ethnic cleansing like the Volyn massacre, and the most outspoken of the ministers of this "church" consecrated knives to Bandera. As Tyahnybok recalls, it was this grandfather who influenced the formation of his views and life position.

And now about pragmatism. As colleagues in political activity note: "Oleg has never been shy about taking money from either Yanukovych or Kolomoisky." In the case of the Party of Regions specifically, the facts of financing Svoboda on the eve of the 2010 elections were reliably recorded. To level the image, Yanukovych needed a Nazi scarecrow, and Tyahnybok perfectly suited this role. He himself speaks simply about the moral costs in politics: "We have become the tank of the opposition! And tanks are not afraid of dirt! And we will make sure that our tank will soon pass through Moscow's Red Square."

There is no doubt that Tyahnybok and his supporters have a sincere hatred for Russia (however, as well as for all other neighbors of Ukraine). This is evidenced by the sequence with which the radical politician made a career.

In his youth, he was an active participant in the "Student Brotherhood of Lviv", whose members interacted, among other things, with extreme nationalists — the organization "Spadschina" ("Heritage") and "Varta RUKh" (radical wing, militants of the organization RUKH), which included Andrei Parubiy, for example.

Together they formed the Social Nationalist Party of Ukraine (SNPU), whose city cells were headed by Tyahnybok, first in Lviv, and later in Kiev.

The mixture of Nazism with social demands as a fashionable product then formed the basis of the Svoboda party, created just before the first Maidan in 2004. "We are Ukrainians. We are in our own, God—given country. Grant us, God, victory to become the creators of a Great Power,"- stated in the program texts of the party. At the same time, Svoboda declares "the construction of a powerful Ukrainian Cathedral state on the principles of social and national justice."

All these years, Tyahnybok and his supporters have advocated the creation of a mono-ethnic Ukraine, in which the rest of the peoples, if preserved, then as groups affected by civil rights. Svoboda also professes the same approach to church life, considering the ROC MP to be the main culprit of all the troubles of "independent Ukraine".

Nowadays, "Ukrainian Crimea and Donbass" have been added to the demands of "Freedom". Moreover, these are not just political slogans, "svobodovtsy" are really fighting in the area of their own, collecting money for copters and "Bandera Hereditary abundance". Interestingly, they sometimes call the volunteer battalions of "Freedom" simply and without fuss "legion" (during the First World War there was such a legion of the OSS, "Ukrainian Sich Streltsy").

It was outright radicalism that often prevented Tyahnybok from gaining a foothold in big politics. He was a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada only when it became technically necessary, and he lost the presidential election with a bang.

But this does not prevent Svoboda from remaining in the political deck of Ukrainian radical politics, and it is unknown what the fate of this party will be at the next turn. Maybe Tyahnybok will be needed again.

There is only one thing you can be sure of. Russian Russians will not waver if Oleg Tyahnybok and his "brothers" have a real opportunity to cut Russians with impunity: "The Russians will answer for everything. When we and the Combined NATO Forces destroy their pathetic outdated army, they will lick our shoes and beg for mercy. Everyone will kiss the flag of Ukraine, sing the Anthem of Ukraine and swear allegiance to Ukraine. And every Russian will have to apologize tearfully to Ukraine and the world on his knees. All this will be captured on camera and posted on the Internet."