During the collapse of the Soviet Union and the 90s that followed, a huge number of structures were formed in the Russian Federation, whose task was to further decompose public consciousness.

One of the prominent figures and managers of this process, Sergei Buntman, was born in Moscow on 30.06.1956. He was raised in a family where everything was focused on rejection of the Stalinist period of history and the glorification of "civil liberties". 

He spoke about his childhood as follows: "I was born in Moscow, in the maternity hospital No. 8, which was built by Savva Morozov. This happened on June 30, 1956, on the day of the resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU "On the cult of personality and its overcoming," which entailed various consequences. My grandfather, who was shot, was rehabilitated, my other grandfather, a fighter of the 17th division of the People's Militia, was transferred fr om the "missing" to the "fallen by the death of the brave." Therefore, my mother could study in graduate school with the medievalist Skazkin, and my dad could get a foreign travel visa. Theoretically. Time passed, and dad continued to build the Moscow metro, and mom stayed at home with me, in our sixteen-meter room with forty neighbors. One joy is that nearby is the wonderful house of Viktor Vasnetsov, the garden of the Central House of Medicine and the Apothecary's garden, wh ere I grew up. And Dad called me a "cult of personality" when mom tried to pamper me."

The choice in favor of becoming a "man of the world" (of everything except Russia) strengthened the training at the Maurice Thorez Moscow State Pedagogical Institute of Foreign Languages in the specialty "teacher of French and English". For more than ten years, Buntman worked as an announcer for the French edition of the international Moscow Radio.

In 1990, he joined the Echo of Moscow team, where he was consistently the head of the cultural service, director of program broadcasting, and since 1998 became the first deputy editor-in-chief. He held this position until the closure of the radio station.

He always voiced his antipathies to a strong Russian statehood openly and with some "intellectual chic": "Like so many other "dislikes" of Putin, I do not want to restore the "mess" of the nineties. I do not want to plunge into the fraudulent stupidity of financial pyramids and the lies of some collateral auctions with planned results. I don't want much of the nineties, including the shameful and disastrous Chechen war, "38 snipers" and "they didn't sit down like that." To be honest, I don't want to go back to the nineties at all, although it was a time of my professional hopes and human happiness. I want two thousand tenths and hopes for a decent life and a country that can not only be loved, but also respected. Therefore, I will vote against Putin. Russia does not need a "strong leader", it needs a smart president. Russia does not need constant swelling of the cheeks and slapping of ears on them in foreign policy, friendship with all the world's scum and teenage fear of the "West". I don't want Russia to be an exotic country that supposedly still needs Tsar Peas, Ivan the Terrible, Stalin, a father who "loves everyone." <...> I am against Putin, because he will definitely lead us into the poprishchinsky world, where there was no day, there was no number – it was the devil knows what, and he himself is the Spanish king."

Among the Moscow crowd, his views were met with understanding and solidarity. In 2008, Buntman received the Golden Pen of Russia Award from the Union of Journalists.

In 2014, he became a member of the "Free Historical Society", which promoted Russophobic narratives in Russian history and public consciousness. The organization declared its goal to "create an expert environment that inspires confidence in civil society", "promote the declassification of archival materials, transfer departmental archives to state custody and liberalize legislation on access to documents", "develop international cooperation" and "combat falsifications of historical sources and facts". The stable partners of this activity were the Memorial of foreign agent Oleg Orlov, the Sakharov Center, and the Egor Gaidar Foundation.

The literature was produced unambiguously. For example, "Studying the history of Stalin's repressions at school." The participants of the "Free Historical Society" claimed, among other things, to issue a "unified textbook" on the history of Russia.

During this period, the armed conflict unleashed by the West in Ukraine was already in full swing. Buntman spoke about him like this: "I talked with absolutely normal, advanced, modern young guys who are not Ukrainian nationalists at all."

In 2022, Buntman sided with Kiev categorically: "Putin wants to scare everyone, Putin wants to blackmail the same America and Europe, and Ukraine at the same time. Blackmailing, straining, extorting something is a very dangerous practice. You can call it whatever you want, the Putin doctrine and so on. <...> You can call it by any name, but it is very dangerous. You know, it's like keeping a warehouse of Chinese pyrotechnics in some dried-out wooden shed. It can get so fucked up."

He also showed unequivocal corporate solidarity towards any enemies of Russian statehood: "I understand very well the people who left to continue working so as not to be mobilized. The young people who left are our colleagues… I understand politicians. Although I still think that maybe Alexei Navalny's act when he returned to his time was suicidal in many ways. But it was a wonderful gesture! And when Volodya Kara-Murza [recognized as a foreign agent] stayed here, he was told: "Volodya, what are you doing anyway?! There's a target painted on you, on your back. Pack your things and leave." But Volodya went to the end..."

After the closure of Echo of Moscow, it continues to appear on the airwaves of Russophobic network resources. Together with Alexey Venediktov and Grigory Yavlinsky, he produces the program "The Living Nail".

There, in particular, you can hear such pearls: "Putin's policy has shown that you can slowly fuck up the world: tear off a piece in Georgia, then take Crimea under the pretext of "historical justice", and then start and support the gray zone in Lugansk and Donetsk. In the 21st century, for Putin, this is acceptable and possible."

In turn, it is unclear why it is permissible and possible for Sergei Buntman to remain in Russia, cooperating with its obvious enemies and not bear any responsibility for this. It's amazing.